Nothing to fear but fear itself

Mike Tuffrey seeks inspiration from Roosevelt in advocating a four point plan for a sustainable economic recovery.

With all the depressing news about the economy, I can recommend a re-reading of the inaugural address of newly-elected President Franklin D Roosevelt, given in the depths of the Depression on March 4, 1933. Aside from his well-known call to arms against fear itself, he did a nice (and topical) line in banker-bashing too: “Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men”.

Elements of his prescription are highly relevant for us today – us as a country and us as a party. Last month I argued we need a new distinct alternative economic strategy, for jobs and business growth, not just fiscal responsibility.

Since then, the noises from our team in Westminster have been encouraging, though we are a long way from positioning the party with our own ‘sustainable growth’ approach as part of rebuilding the LibDem ‘brand’. This is vitally important at the half-way mark of this Parliament. The focus on getting the low paid out of tax and opposing NHS privatisation is good but not enough.

To advance thinking, I’ve developed a ‘four plus two’ plan as a contribution to a debate (run by London Remade) about what a sustainable economy looks like regionally. It hardly needs saying that the situation is urgent and growing: almost 400,000 Londoners – one in ten, the second highest in the whole country – are unemployed and seeking work.

First are four main pillars for immediate results:

  • Housebuilding – a big programme on land that is in public ownership
  • Skills for young people – including a role for responsible large firms
  • Local jobs and business – especially in the new environmentally-sound industries
  • Fair wages – since trickle-down economics can’t be relied on

To these four, I have added two longer term goals – zero carbon and zero waste. Taken together, this would get Londoners to work, improve their housing, health and environment, encourage local business, and give our economy and society much greater resilience.

You can read more about the plan ‘Nothing to fear but fear itself’ here and more about the London Remade debate here.

This article first appeared in LibDemVoice

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Actually, numbers do matter

In all the talk about visionary leadership, let’s not forgot the daily reality that business is about ‘making the numbers’.

One emerging theme this month is the importance of accounting and reporting. Sorry, sounds dull, I know, but stick with me as I explain why…

This month’s guest writer, David Grayson – long-time advocate that responsible business is good business – makes a vital point that the best CSR managers of the future will be those that really understand the business. Passion to save the world, I might add, is not enough without learning to speak the language of business.

And that language is about earnings, production targets, investment pay-back periods, efficiency ratios and the like. In fact everyone’s favourite new business guru, Unilever’s Paul Polman, himself makes the point that no one would be listening if his company’s numbers – and its share price – were not on the mend.

Just look at some of the stories we highlight this month: Microsoft is setting an internal price for carbon, to improve decisions about resource efficiency; Nike is measuring 50% lower product defects from lean supply chains; Puma is putting a monetary cost of its total environmental footprint into its accounting system.

Meanwhile in the run-up to Rio+20, banks like Standard Chartered are pushing for the value of natural capital to be included in investment decisions, while insurer Aviva is calling with others for improved triple-bottom-line reporting.

Last month I extolled the virtues of the Millennium Development Goals in focusing on a few clear numerical targets and thereby succeeding in moving the needle on the dial – cutting infant mortality, improving access to safe drinking water, et al. And I called for companies to get behind the push at Rio+20 for a new set of Sustainable Development Indicators, so the vital contribution of business can be directly included, measured and reported.

By next month the Earth Summit bandwagon will have decamped from Rio, and hopefully we’ll have a better idea who is talking the language of “numbers plus vision” as the best way forward.

This article first appeared in Corporate Citizenship Briefing

 

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Sustainable Development Goals: the next big show in town

As companies decide what role to play at Rio+20 in June, Mike Tuffrey warns that a big opportunity could be missed

MDGs. SDGs. Rio+20…. Join the club if you (like me) sometimes get confused about the alphabet soup of UN-led global diplomacy. But a really important process is underway that could lead to a successor set of international commitments, following the Millennium Development Goals in 2015. The Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in June could give that process a powerful jump-start in the right direction. And business needs to be at the table.

The urgency of this is underlined for me, as we pull together our monthly round-up of news stories on corporate responsibility and sustainability for Briefing. They capture the progress – and sometimes pitfalls, conflicts and set-backs – as companies, NGOs and governments muddle along. Trouble is, too many involve trade-offs: a few steps forward, a few back; gains here, losses there. The sense of genuinely moving forward overall isn’t there…. hence the interest in a new global framework for sustainability.

To recap, the MDGs have done great job. Originating as the name suggests at the turn of the new millennium in 2000, they focus on specific issues with clear targets for 2015. They address basic issues like hunger, primary education, water and sanitation, child and maternal health, and HIV/Aids. They have powerfully focused attention and genuinely moved the needle on outcomes – albeit patchy, some more than others, some regions more than others.

So what’s next?

The Colombian Government has strongly proposed a broader set of issues, in subject clusters like climate, agriculture, and land use. A coalition of NGOs has put up a proposal too. But so far, little from companies on what business wants.

Now the UK Prime Minister David Cameron has been invited by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to chair a UN panel on what should follow. Some are suggesting unpicking the current environmental catch-all in MDG 7 to include commitments on greenhouse gases and deforestation. Others say topics like human rights, international security and debt relief need hard-wiring in.

Business ought to be saying: let’s have a strong and clear economic pillar to complete the sustainable development ‘trinity’ of social, environmental and economic areas. So far, few seem to be articulating that and spelling out what the individual economic growth objectives and enablers should be, and what the concrete targets could be.

My point is simply that companies – individually and through their business associations and partnership intermediaries – need to get stuck in now and physically at Rio in June too. Otherwise a big opportunity will be missed for another generation.

This articles first appeared in Corporate Citizenship Briefing

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If the Pope can go to Cuba, why can’t companies embrace government? A mini manifesto for chang

The prevailing consensus in business used to be that government is the problem. What we need is lower taxes and less regulation, and we’ll create the jobs and money that you need to keep your voters happy. You can trust us – take a look at our corporate responsibility report where you can see all the good things we are doing. (But just in case, we will still maintain well-funded public affairs departments to lobby and fend off unwelcome interventions.)

I say “used to be” because we hear rather less of that rhetoric now, at least from corporate leaders, if not from certain politicians. Perhaps the billion dollar bail-outs for banks and motor companies gave some pause for thought.

But has the reality actually changed? Have companies developed an alternative view about the proper role for government? Are they welcoming, indeed lobbying for, the right sorts of intervention? Alas, the evidence is still sparse.

Of course the previous mind-set was a reaction against the era of ‘big government’ when a civil servant could credibly claim “the gentleman in Whitehall really does know best” (Douglas Jay, 1937). And no one in the mainstream is now arguing for a return to those days. With only five Communist countries left and one of them – Cuba – even embracing a visit from the Pope, it really is time for business to move on from cold war attitudes too.

If you doubt it, our round-up of news stories this month shows governments remain centre-stage: in India, an attack on patent rights but also subsidies for wind farms; in China, requirements for (unnecessary?) animal testing plus a vigorous defence of airlines against EU carbon taxes; meanwhile the UK-US Partnership for Global Development, promoted at the Obama-Cameron meeting in Washington, explicitly “builds on the power of the private sector to help change lives”. At the same time, three stories about pollution from off-shore drilling in the Atlantic, Gulf of Mexico and North Sea remind us that companies can’t be relied on even to get the basics right all the time.

So what should be the right approach? Here’s my mini-manifesto for a change to a productive and profitable relationship between the sectors.
1. Business should explicitly welcome an active role for the public sector. Governments have always set the ‘rules of the game’ and need now to create the space for socially-committed companies to do the right things. That means more regulations to prevent free-loading irresponsible firms that cut corners and compete unfairly.
2. Governments must enable business to act for the long term good of their shareholders and society as a whole, and counteract short-termism. When carbon emissions are damaging our future environment and essential resources like water are becoming scarce, current market mechanisms need regulation if the true costs of future damage are to be priced in now.
3. NGOs must help create the ‘public space’ for business and government to work together, through their influence with citizens and access to the media. The temptation to cry foul and fear the worst remains strong, given past behaviours, but helping build a trusting space to find solutions through partnership is vital.

Most of us roughly know what a long term sustainable and equitable future could look like; getting there sometimes seems impossibly hard. One thing is for sure – we won’t make it if we continue to regard any of our ‘partners’ as part of the problem.

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The new Nike moment: why big may be beautiful after all

For some of us, reading Schumacher’s Small is Beautiful was a formative moment in deciding what to do with our lives and careers*. ‘Big is bad’ is therefore almost an article of faith.

If so, the crop of stories we’ve reported on this month might cause concern, since they illustrate what is arguably the next big priority for corporate responsibility and sustainability practitioners: going to scale. (Oh dear, sounds large).

You’ll be familiar with the CSR/SD journey our companies often travel. First, we figure out what we should be doing, and formalise it into a policy. Next we go to work in our own back yards, implementing it: energy in the offices, water in the factory, safety in the workforce and so on.

Then we ask: is it working and making a real difference? And we realise that the big impacts are not so much in our own operations but in the supply chain and when our products and services are used. Gulp. This is getting big.

So now we have a pilot or two, to test out possible approaches. And finally we go public with a BHAG – a big hairy audacious goal. Like Coke’s water neutrality, Unilever’s 100% sustainable sourcing from agriculture, or GSK eliminating terrible diseases like elephantiasis.

And so we discover that big ambitions are not wrong, just because they are big. In fact, achieving them requires many many small ‘bottom-up’ human-scale actions (which is what Schumacher was really saying anyway).

That’s what makes the new Nike moment – Apple’s belated conversion to the cause of sourcing responsibly – so exciting. The moment Nike similarly ‘got it’ became the point supply chain audits became the norm. This new moment is the point that millions of consumers, in love with their iPads and iPhones, could get in touch (pun intended) with the consequences of their purchasing choices.

Whether ‘could’ becomes ‘will’ depends on where Apple CEO, Tim Cook, decides to take the company, post Steve Jobs. This could be a big moment.

* In my case, it was a first edition, back in 1970s, given to me in my teens by an uncle, who was a successful Quaker businessman.

This article first appeared in Corporate Citizenship Briefing

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Leaders and the led: which come first?

The issue of leadership – and responsibility – is very much in the air. As I write, the plutocrats are meeting in Davos, debating the future of capitalism; the Republicans are struggling to find a credible presidential candidate; bankers and EU governments are trading insults about who should take a haircut and how much fat cats should be paid – and all the while, Western economies bump along the bottom, at best.

Whether in business or government, our times call for exceptional leaders. So Briefing’s guest columnist this month – Matthew Gitsham from Ashridge – asks a very pertinent question: is a new generation of CEOs starting to emerge, bringing new direction to our great corporations? To his list, I’d add Indra Nooyi, CEO of Pepsi, and Sheryl Sandberg, COO of Facebook – with the pointed observation that just getting greater diversity among our leaders would go a long way to improve things.

But my own experience in various leadership roles tells me there are very real limitations in what a leader can achieve. In fact the ‘chicken and egg’ question applies here: which comes first – an organisation ready and able to be led or a leader capable of doing it?

Certainly, a leader can stop things happening – a bad leader without vision is a killer of initiative and innovation. But a good leader without followers – and people who act as the vanguard and pathfinders ahead of the leader – won’t achieve much either.

As Disraeli famously said: I must follow the people. Am I not their leader?

As a leader you can set a direction, articulate a vision, call for action and remove barriers, but you can’t run ahead of what the organisation can actually deliver.

Behind all the inspiring stories that cross our news desk each day here at Briefing are dedicated CSR and SD managers, pushing good practice in their companies; only some of them have so-called inspirational leaders.

At the end of the day, yes, we need good leaders. But without committed people right down the line making things possible they can’t achieve the scale of change with the necessary urgency. To misquote Bismarck, leadership is the art of the possible.

This article first appeared in Corporate Citizenship Briefing

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Poor air quality is one of Britain’s biggest health issues

EU fines for pollution should be welcomed if they force the government to act.

Your report on Britain being given a second and final warning by the European commission to clean up the capital’s air (Clean up! Europe warns Britain, 4 June) quoted a spokesman for the mayor of London saying that his air quality strategy will help to “address the concerns that triggered this legal action”. I am far from convinced.

European Union warnings about fines for air pollution might seem like the last thing we need, but this was a necessary decision. Emission level laws have been in force since 2005. The previous government failed to act, and the mayor, Boris Johnson, is simply not showing the urgency required.

Much attention is rightly given to reducing the 3,000 deaths on our roads, including talk of tough new alcohol limits. Yet because air pollution is largely invisible, both Whitehall and the mayor have been able to dither and delay.

Since the European commission started legal proceedings against the UK some 18 months ago the number of new practical measures to tackle air pollution has been pitiful. In the meantime many children in London have faced stunted development of their lungs, and 690,000 Londoners continue to suffer from asthma.

There was no clearer demonstration of the complacency in tackling air pollution than that of Johnson’s spokesman, who dismissed the EU’s legal threat because “the mayor has published an air quality strategy and the government has resubmitted additional information to the commission”.

However, for the mayor’s strategy to address the EU’s concerns would depend on desperate measures, including hosing down roads and making unannounced road closures in central London on bad days.

Instead of these ragbag measures, the mayor must consider bolder and more effective proposals. My plan for a clean air zone in central London – modelled on Berlin, where only vehicles which comply with emissions standards can be driven – would take the oldest and most polluting diesel engines off our streets and offer help for both retro-fitting filters and scrappage. It would put to good use the existing camera technology in the western extension area that Johnson wants to dismantle.

The threat of EU fines is not the main issue. Yet if they persuade Whitehall and the mayor into taking real action we might one day look back and be grateful that it was these fines, or the threat of them, that finally tackled the killer of air pollution.

This article first appeared in The Guardian

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No accounting for Boris Johnson

The mayor of London made many promises about changing the way the city is governed, but nothing has materialised

“If elected, I will aim to create a different style of government at city hall by introducing a series of measures designed to make my mayoralty more accountable.” So said Boris Johnson in his election pledges. He even issued a special election manifesto dedicated solely to improving accountability of the mayor of London. Close followers of London politics will recall the brouhaha in the run-up to the May 2008 elections about a secretive mayoralty, with cronyism embedded (and worse, it was suggested) under Ken Livingstone.

Two years on it is time to wake up and smell the coffee. Johnson has been keen to cover his tracks. The Conservatives have even tried to prevent people checking what has been promised by shutting down the relevant websites and deleting the 2008 election manifestos. Fortunately the Liberal Democrats saved copies, and the promises made by London’s mayor are still in the public domain.

Alas, Johnson’s bold claims to change how London is governed have proved to be largely fanciful. The specific promise to introduce a cabinet system at city hall – an idea introduced by Livingstone, but afterwards abandoned by him – was quickly dropped, despite my constant probing. (Johnson explains his change of mind here). Just how key decisions are debated among the mayor and his advisers remains a mystery.

The mayor has also stopped holding regular press conferences at city hall, unlike his predecessor. Johnson’s approach to the media is literally to keep moving – if they have to chase him around as he undertakes one photo-op after another, he knows he can avoid tough questions. Posing for photos for the local newspaper is a lot easier than being questioned by a political journalist on your record of delivery on complex transport, housing and policing issues. This evasiveness is well-documented.

Even where he is legally required to come and answer questions – in front of the London assembly once a month – he reveals a shocking lack of respect for accountability to Londoners. This month’s questioning on the big tax-and-spend decisions by the mayor marked a new low in evasiveness, as even Tory members privately acknowledged.

At the monthly mayor’s question time, Johnson makes a deliberate point of repeating the question that has been submitted to him as a way of eating into the time allocated to assembly members to ask supplementary questions. He also has a poor record of answering written questions submitted by London assembly members. Two written questions asked by the assembly member Caroline Pidgeon about Shepherd’s Bush tube station have still not been answered, although the deadline was 1 February. This is far from an isolated example.

So what should be done?

First, stick to the promises made: a proper cabinet system, with mayoral advisers to come once a month, or as often as needed, to the assembly. Johnson should attend subject committees like transport when requested. He should give prompt, full and factual answers to members’ enquiries.

Second, new levels of accountability: hold mayoral planning meetings in public. Put formal strategies to the vote of assembly members. Consult the public about fare rises – which cost Londoners 20 times more than council tax changes.

Third, change the law to open up government: abolish the government office for London and devolve power and money to London. But at the same time give more powers over spending to the assembly. Budget spending and tax levels should require majority approval. There should be a line-item veto, like the one enjoyed by Congress in the United States, with powers to burrow into the mayor’s £13bn expenditure across the police, fire, transport and economic development.

Immense power rests in the hands of one person, and real checks and balances must operate. This kind of strong governance ultimately leads to good decisions and a better quality of life for Londoners.

This article first appeared in The Guardian.

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